top of page
F6B0EEF8-A0B7-4925-967A-3637848E7807_4_5005_c.jpeg
Writer's picturerichard lightner

AFGHANISTAN, edited by AI

The Afghanistan Papers: A Secret History of the War, published in 2021 by Craig Whitlock, opens with a prescient quote from Supreme Court Justice Hugo L. Black about the necessity of "a free and unrestrained press" in preventing government deception. This theme of truth versus official narrative runs throughout the work, beginning with Whitlock's discovery in the summer of 2016 of interviews conducted by the Office of the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR). These interviews revealed deep-seated frustrations among war participants and exposed a pattern of deliberate misrepresentation that would define America's longest war.

The fundamental failures of the Afghanistan War stemmed from a profound lack of strategic coherence. As one British general noted, forces were given "a lot of tactics instead of a cohesive long-term strategy." This assessment was echoed by U.S. Army Lt. Gen. Douglas Lute's stark admission: "We didn't have the foggiest notion of what we were undertaking." While Congress largely ignored the war, military leaders like General Peter Pace mistakenly believed the primary failure lay in not convincing the American people that the war would take decades—a perspective that ignored the fundamental question of whether the war should have occurred.

Critical misunderstandings of local dynamics plagued the United States' approach to Afghanistan. American forces failed to differentiate between Taliban and al-Qaeda, often missing that much of the conflict was tribal rather than ideological. They violated Afghan customs of conflict resolution and, crucially, rejected opportunities for negotiation with the Taliban in December 2001—a decision that one official believed extended what could have been a brief conflict into a decades-long quagmire. The military's cultural blindness was further exemplified by their lack of Pashto-speaking personnel, choosing instead to train soldiers in Arabic, a language foreign to Afghanistan.

The nation-building effort reflected a profound misunderstanding of Afghan society. In Bonn, Germany, in 2001, rather than allowing Afghans to follow their traditional governance systems, the Bush Administration imposed an American-style constitutional democracy. This decision to concentrate power in a presidential role violated Afghan tribal customs and attempted to centralize authority in a historically decentralized society. Richard Boucher, former State Department chief spokesman, later admitted, "The only time this country has worked properly was when it was a floating pool of tribes and warlords presided over by someone who had a certain eminence."

The development of Afghan security forces similarly reflected American hubris. The U.S. created an Afghan army in its image, expecting illiterate recruits to master complex Western military systems and PowerPoint presentations. They imposed Western-style police forces, ignoring that Afghans traditionally resolved conflicts through village elders rather than formal law enforcement. These forces were severely under-resourced compared to their Taliban opponents, with Afghan recruits earning merely $2.50 a day to defend their government.

Contradictory approaches to aid and resources marked the administration of the war effort. The Bush Administration provided insufficient aid, while the Obama Administration later offered more than Afghanistan could effectively absorb. Throughout, the project was undermined by what Whitlock describes as "hubris, incompetence, bureaucratic infighting and haphazard planning." Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld's simplified approach of "killing bad guys" and the Pentagon's domination of decision-making with "unrivaled political clout" further complicated efforts at developing effective policies.

The disconnect between reality and the official narrative became increasingly stark as the war progressed. In 2003, Rumsfeld claimed Afghanistan was "secure" when 95% of American casualties had yet to occur. President Bush declared "the Taliban no longer exists" while the organization was actively regrouping in Pakistan. The complexity of the conflict—involving drug dealers, militias, and centuries-old tribal conflicts—was reduced to simplified narratives that failed to capture the reality on the ground.

The war's later years, particularly 2017-2019, saw increasingly desperate attempts to demonstrate progress. The deployment of the massive MOAB (Mother of All Bombs) failed to achieve strategic objectives, and when data showed Taliban expansion, military leaders simply changed their metrics rather than confront reality. The peace process, finally authorized under Trump in 2018, included Taliban negotiators who had spent twelve years detained in Guantanamo Bay—a stark illustration of the war's complex ironies.

Throughout the conflict, the United States repeated many of the same mistakes made in Vietnam, particularly in its approach to counterinsurgency and its misunderstanding of local time perspectives. One Taliban fighter noted, "You have all the clocks, but we have all the time." This fundamental misalignment of attitudes and expectations characterized much of the war effort.

The Afghanistan Papers reveal how systematic failures to learn from historical precedents, combined with a pattern of public deception and internal confusion, led to America's longest war becoming one of its most costly failures. The work serves as a crucial reminder of the importance of cultural understanding, strategic clarity, and honest public discourse in military operations. As the United States continues to engage globally, the lessons from this conflict—particularly about the limits of military power and the importance of understanding local contexts—remain vitally relevant.

0 views0 comments

Comments


Different Points of View over the future of Atomic weapons.

 

    During the Afghan War, President Donald Trump (GAG!) authorized a General to use the Mother of all Bombs, a bomb just shy of the power of an atomic bomb, on his own. Notice that this had no positive affect for the US in the outcome of the war. (https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/13/world/asia/moab-mother-of-all-bombs-afghanistan.html)

 

    There is a plethora of information about the development and use of the atomic bomb during World War II. Much of the world was astounded that the US used such a bomb on civilians. Others said, drop more.

 

    The atomic bombing of Hiroshima on August 9, 1945, “served as the symbolic coronation of American global power.” Nevertheless, the use of the atomic bomb in World War II brought international condemnation.    At the Tokyo War Crimes Trials of 1946-1948, Justice Pal of India cited the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki as war crimes. U.S. President Harry S. Truman responded by publicly saying that the atomic bombs were dropped “in order to shorten the agony of war, in order to save the lives of thousands of young Americans.” However, President Truman in correspondence with John Foster Dulles that his reasons for dropping the atomic bombs were the attack on Pearl Harbor and the murder of our prisoners of war. “The only language they seem to understand is the one we have been using to bombard them.” (Martin Sherwin. “Hiroshima and Modern Memory.” The Nation. October 10, 1981)

 

    “In the summer and fall of 1945, US atomic policy left us troubled and perplexed. Roosevelt, we thought, had been committed to a policy of international understanding and conciliation. . . . Truman’s policy, however, appeared to have the opposite aim: to keep a monopoly of the atomic bomb in U.S. and British hands, and to use it as a strong trump card in tough political bargaining with the Soviet Union.” (Sherwin, Martin. A World Destroyed: the Atomic Bomb and the Grand Alliance. 1975. xi)

 

    And, well before the bombings FDR and Churchill “rejected steps that might have led to the international control of atomic energy.” (Martin Sherwin. “Hiroshima and Modern Memory.” The Nation. October 10, 1981)

 

    According to nuclear physicist Hans Bethe who worked on the Manhattan Project, “Many of us had been influenced directly or indirectly by Niels Bohr, the great Danish physicist. He argued that only international control of nuclear weapons could save the world from a nuclear arms race, and that such a race would imperil, not enhance the security of the United States and Great Britain. Many other scientists, especially at the University of Chicago Metallurgic Laboratory, at the initiative of Leo Szilard, had come independently to the same conclusion. 

 

    Martin Sherwin, George Mason University History professor who specialized in the history of nuclear weapons, wrote that, this interpretation by physicists and historian is wrong. Roosevelt decided, with Churchill, “that the bomb should remain and Anglo-American monopoly.” (Sherwin, Martin. A World Destroyed: the Atomic Bomb and the Grand Alliance. 1975. xii) 

    However, this is not mentioned in Hiroshima in America: fifty years of denial, by Robert Jay Lifton and Gregg Mitchell.

 

KOREA

    There are numerous arguments about whether or not the atomic bomb should have been used in Korea, Vietnam, or other existential circumstances.

    In late 1950, following their invasion of Korea, Chinese forces surrounded U.S. Marines. “Distraught himself, the chief executive (Truman), told a press conference on November 30 that nuclear bombsight be used against the enemy and seemed to indicate that the decision would be MacArthur’s.” (William Manchester. American Caesar. 608, 610; Bruce Cumings. The Korean War: a History. 2010. p. 30)

 

    The U.S. developed the ability fire an “atomic shot from a cannon.” (Bruce Cumings. The Korean War: a History. 2010. p. 34)

    

    “In mid-May Ike (President Dwight Eisenhower) told the [American] National Security Council that using nukes in Korea would be cheaper than conventional weaponry, and a few days later the Joint Chiefs of Staff recommended launching nuclear attacks against China.” (Bruce Cumings. The Korean War: a History. 2010. p. 34)

    This is interesting since Eisenhower’s reaction to Hiroshima was, we didn’t have to use that awful thing on them. (Lifton, Robert Jay and Mitchell, Greg. Hiroshima in America: fifty years of denial. 1995. 213)

 

    Operation Hudson Harbor - flying lone B-29 bombers over North Korea to simulate a dropping of an atomic bomb. North Korean leaders must have had “steel nerves” as this simulation was eerily similar to the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Operation Hudson Harbor concluded that the use of atomic weapons would not be “useful” as it was difficult to identify “large masses of enemy troops.” (Bruce Cumings. The Korean War: a History. 2010. p. 157-159)

 

    The United Nations/United States forces faced defeat in Korea but Truman looked strong because he “threatened to use the atom bomb against China.” However, this “made peace talks virtually impossible.” (Stone, I.F. The Hidden History of the Korean War. 213)

    Major General Emmett (“Rosy”) O’Donnell, commander of the Far East Air Force’s Bomber Command . . . [stated that] “We have never been permitted to bomb what are the real strategic targets, the enemy’s real sources of supply.” He said that the strategic bombing commanded been “designed to deliver the atomic offensive to the heart of the enemy” and indicated very clearly that he thought the bomb should have been used against the Chinese.”” (Stone, I.F. The Hidden History of the Korean War. 245)

 

RICHARD NIXON

    Richard Barnet, former State Department aide, activist and scholar, who founded the Institute for Policy Studies (Wikipedia) warned “of the danger that the United States government might resort to the use of nuclear weapons. Barnet then cites Vice President Richard Nixon speaking to the Executive Club of Chicago on March 17, 1955 as saying, 

    “The weapons which were used during the Korean War and World War II are obsolete. Our artillery and our tactical Air Force in the Pacific are now equipped with atomic explosives which can and will be used on military targets with precision and effectiveness.

    “It is foolish to talk about the possibility that the weapons which might be used in the event war breaks out in the Pacific would be limited to the conventional Korean and World War II types of explosives. Our forces could not fight an effective war in the Pacific with those types of explosives if they wanted to. Tactical atomic explosives are now conventional and will be used against the military targets of any aggressive force.”  

    Of course, we are not aggressors by threatening China or invading Vietnam.

 

VIET NAM

    1964 American Republican Presidential candidate Senator Goldwater of Arizona was a reserve Air Force General and “suggested that the United States could isolate the Vietcong in South Vietnam any bombing the supply routes connecting China and North Vietnam.” He also proposed using nuclear weapons “to clear the jungles where the Vietcong were presumably hiding. The public reaction to those notions was one of horrified alarm.” (Thomas Powers, The War at Home. 2) It turns out that the United States bombed Southeast Asia the equivalent of many atomic bombs through out the war. 

    “Although Goldwater was finally persuaded to stop talking about nuclear weapons.”

    Although Goldwater’s advocacy of atomic weapons scared people his idea to win the war did not. Johnson portrayed himself as “responsible” as opposed to Goldwater who he implied would get us all killed. (Thomas Powers, The War at Home. 9)

    Noted military writer Hanson Baldwin believed that the US should use its overwhelming technological power to counter communism even if that meant nuclear weapons. Of course, only for “defensive purposes.” “If we cannot do this, he says, we had better “call it quits.” (Noam Chomsky, At War with Asia. 52)

 

    General Curtis LeMay advocated the use of nuclear weapons to end the conflict with communism once and for all. “We ought to nuke the chinks. . . . We are swatting flies when we should be going after the manure pile.” (Thomas Powers. The War at Home. 40; Rowland Evans and Robert Novak. Lyndon B. Johnson: the Exercise of Power. 538)

 

    So, there is pretty much agreement that the use of the atom bomb was on the table. The horrors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki completely ignored.

 

    In 1954 the United States “assuming the Chinese Communists intervene would engage in a “highly selective atomic offensive.” (Pentagon Papers. New York Times. 1971. 46) However, if the “Chinese Communists do not intervene” then the use of atomic weapons would occur if it would aid the US in the war. (Pentagon Papers. New York Times. 1971. 47)

    McNaughton drafted a “Proposed Course of Action” to McNamara. In his long list of actions McNaughton noted risks. One was the “escalation to the use of nuclear weapons.” (Pentagon Papers. New York Times. 1971. 442-445, passim)

    Presidential assistant for national security, Walt. W. Rostow, wrote a memorandum on May 6, 1967, analyzing U.S. bombing strategy in Viet Nam. One of his conclusions was “we do not want a nuclear confrontation over Viet Nam.” (Pentagon Papers. New York Times. 1971. 585, 588)

Atomic Bomb

Viet Nam War
 

bottom of page